In this article, we examine the propensity of the Communists to give intellectual and political cover to the imperialists and Islamists against the Hindus. Further, we trace how the CPI was completely under the thumb of the Communist party of Great Britain (CPGB) with the leading lights of the CPGB completely controlling the CPI. We examine the impact of the Soviet-British relations on the path charted out by the CPI, and how it was given instructions on the path to follow by the CPGB, without any inputs from the CPI itself. We point out that there is not a single freedom movement in which the CPI participated. Further, we show how the CPI repeatedly betrayed the freedom struggle, not only by remaining aloof, but also often by sabotaging the freedom struggle by recruiting potential revolutionaries and leading them away from the freedom struggle, all the while pretending to be anti-imperialist. In short, the CPI was the vanguard of the imperialists, subverting the resistance. We show that there is not a single revolutionary of note who continued his fight against the British after joining the CPI.
This set of articles has been co-authored by Saswati Sarkar, Shanmukh and Dikgaj.
In the first article, Saswati Sarkar examined the violation of the most basic of human rights of the Hindus, i.e., the rights to life and the rights to property, in Bangladesh, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, etc. She has examined the travails of the Hindus of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and how they have been systematically persecuted, harassed, and either expelled or killed. Further, the examination of the violation of human rights shows how the Hindus of Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Bhutan and Pakistan have been targeted by the majority religion/ethnicity over their religion/ethnicity and their practices. She also examined the silence of the Indian of these matters, and examined what it bodes for the future.
A more detailed version of the same article was published here.
In the second article, the authors, Saswati Sarkar, Shanmukh and Dikgaj, have examined the systematic violation of the human rights of victims, in the detention camps, run by the BJP-RSS government in Assam. The victims are overwhelmingly poor Hindu Bengalis, which indicates an ethnic and classist bias against them. We did also find a few Biharis and even an Asomiya in the detention camps, similarly poor, and often lower caste, which indicates the socio-economic profile of those being harassed in detention camps. The violation is systematic, with the detained refugees often denied proper food, and sanitation, and imprisoned with the criminals, despite specific orders not to do so. Further, the article mentions those who have been imprisoned for more than three years, despite supreme court orders to the contrary. The article chronicles the tragedy of these Indic refugees, who have been expelled from Bangladesh, and are being harassed in India. The BJP-RSS government in Assam has led a brutal attack on the helpless people, inspite of a slew of promises from the highest echelons of the BJP-RSS to the lowest to rehabilitate the Hindu refugees from Bangladesh. The terror of detention camps have been such that those slapped with D voter notices or excluded from NRC are at times committing suicides, and relocating to West Bengal. The atmosphere of terror has spread to West Bengal where particularly those descending from refugees are spending sleepless nights
The Indian state had embarked on implementing a national register of citizens in its North Eastern State of Assam, which was intended to include all those who had arrived before 24 March, 1971, and exclude the rest. The NRC final list has been published on August 31, 2019. It excludes 19 lakh individuals. Using observations by media, activists, politicians of Assam, data released in Assam assembly and Census, the authors show that Hindu Bengalis have been disproportionately excluded. In the first article on the NRC, the authors also provide a socio-economic profile of the Hindus excluded from the NRC. Many of those excluded from NRC had arrived in India before the cut-off date for identifying foreigners, namely 24 March, 1971. They had refugee certificates provided by the government authorities when they arrived, which were not accepted by the NRC coordinator. Many of those excluded had land documents in India predating 1971, which were discounted too. In several cases, some members of a family were included, while the rest were excluded. Most of those excluded were poor and nearly illiterate, are from poor and rural regions, and had to rely on others to even complete the appeal forms. The excluded are by and large the descendants of the refugees of partition, their parents had migrated to the only land in which they believed they could live without having to convert to Islam, and live as free men and women, with human dignity. Creating a new life for themselves had not been easy the first time and was realized only through an intense struggle for existence. But in one generation, the same families are facing statelessness yet again, due to the NRC. It is Sita’s Agnipariksha played all over. Several of those excluded, committed suicide from a sense of humiliation and helplessness associated with the foreigner tag, or because they did not have the financial resources or physical stamina to contest the exclusion, or because of the terror of being confined to a detention camp. The exclusions also include a gender-based discrimination, and a large number of women who had moved to Assam from other Indian states after marriage have been excluded, as documents from other Indian states were not accepted. The exclusions in this category span all socio-economic classes. The Hindu Bengalis have been at the receiving end of ethnic violence, vigilante actions, harassment throughout the North East. The acts were either perpetrated by the various state governments therein, or facilitated and condoned through the lack of retributive actions. BJP-RSS is running the state governments throughout this region, either directly or in alliance with local parties. Those excluded from NRC now face the prospect of going through tribunals and subsequently courts, which will de-facto levy hefty financial penalties on them. The time the victims need to devote to travel to the courts (which may be far off from where they live) and attend the sessions would put them at a competitive disadvantage in the current economy especially those who are daily wage labour and agrarian labour. If those excluded from the NRC eventually lose at the end of the lengthy legal process, they will lose their jobs and other governmental benefits, to start with, and will face detainment and deportation subsequently. In addition, currently, BJP-RSS government of Assam has formed a high-level committee that is in effect seeking to debar Bengalis from contesting seats in Parliament, legislative assembly and local bodies, and from public and private sector jobs in Assam, by providing reservations for Assamese speakers. No Bengali has been appointed to the committee, and the head of the committee as also several other influential members of the committee are known to have taken strong anti-Bengali positions in the past. Finally, many who have been included in NRC continue to receive “doubtful voter” notices, which is the first step for commitment to detention centers. In effect, Hindu Bengalis are treated as unwanted populace, who the administration would rather have sent elsewhere, either outside Assam or to outside India. We document their plight in this article.
This set of articles has been co-authored by Saswati Sarkar, Shanmukh and Dikgaj.
In the first of the articles on this subject, we examine the values of the different political parties and scrutinise them to see if their values really make them any different, especially where Hindus are concerned. With an introduction examining the values of the (then) CPI and the icons of the economic right wing, we examine the roots of intellectual collusion with the British and trace the collusion of one specific person, Nirad Chaudhuri. We continue with an examination of the values of Nirad Chaudhary whose work has been lauded by many of the intellectual leaders of the economic right wing.
In the second of the articles on this subject, we create class identifiers for the resistors (Surjo Sen) and the colluders (Netra Sen) and examine how the Netra Sens have been continuing the tradition of intellectual collusion by continuing propaganda against the locals, on behalf of the invaders. One particular icon of the economic RW elites, Nirad Chaudhuri, has been examined for his sexual innuendoes against and his objectification of the resisting Indian women fighting the British invaders, his rape fantasies involving Subhas Bose, one of the foremost leaders of the Indian resistance, and his continued colonial propaganda which embarrassed even the scholars of the Allied side, to the extent that they were compelled to criticise him. Further, we trace the continuing propaganda by the admirers of Nirad against the Hindu Bengalis, and observe that the tradition of Netra Sen remains solidly ensconced in the Indian economic RW.
This set of articles has been co-authored by Saswati Sarkar, Shanmukh and Dikgaj.
In the first article, we have examined the basis of the Indian nationhood and religious nature of the defenders of the Indian nationhood and also of the separatists. We have further, examined the numbers of Hindu refugees who fled East Pakistan (and later, Bangladesh) and how they have been distributed in India. We also highlight the demographic danger that Assam is in and the need for the CAB to preserve the demography of Assam. We also highlight the distribution of the Indic refugees in Assam and how they are vital to the existence of Assam’s demographics in many districts. We have, further, examined the historical presence of the Bengali Hindus in Tripura and examine if they have changed the demography of the state, and whom they have replaced. We conclude with an examination of the other Indic refugees in Jammu and Tamizh Nadu, who have arrived from W Pakistan and Sri Lanka respectively, who have been shabbily treated.
In the second article on the topic, we examine the stances of the various parties on the citizenship amendment bill. Further, we have examined the basis of the nationhood, and how the Indics from various parts of the world rushed to defend India when there was a chance to free her from the British. We show that in the twentieth century, both in ideas and actions, the freedom movement against the British was driven by the Hindu Bengalis. It started from their losing the awe of the British in the last part of the nineteenth century, which precipitated intellectual and physical retaliation from them against British racism. Then under the inspired leadership of Arabindo Ghosh and Bepin Chandra Pal, the Hindu Bengalis ushered in the freedom movement against the British through the anti-partition movement in 1905 that spread from Bengal to the rest of India, and was the first nationwide mass movement against the British shorn of Jihadi motivation. Ideas and messaging that would drive the freedom movement from here onwards were formulated and coalesced in Hindu Bengal before and during this anti-partition agitation, starting from Bande Mataram in the late nineteenth century, to Swaraj and Swadeshi just before and during 1905. The Hindu Bengalis comprised of the bulk of the revolutionary freedom fighters, and they organized, trained and contributed to revolutionary movements, not merely in their province, but throughout India and even abroad. Finally, we present an ethnic demographic decomposition of the revolutionaries based on the names that we could collect from various sources, including governmental ones, which for the first time quantifies the domination of the Hindu Bengalis in the revolutionary movement. This demographic analysis shows that the Hindus from East Bengal contributed the most to the revolutionary movement, not only within Bengal, but also considering all other ethnicities.
The third article focusses on the role of Subhas Bose in fight for freedom against the British. We all know that Subhas Chandra Bose was instrumental in liberating India from British slavery, at least the explicit version. It is also well-known that he was a Hindu Bengali. What we however show here is that his identity was merely not an accident of birth, it was at the core of his being, it was instrumental in motivating him to brave impossible odds in pursuit of his mission to liberate India. He was the product of the Hindu Bengali revolutionary ecosystem, it was this ecosystem that was the bulwark of his support throughout, it was this ecosystem that sustained him. This point has been examined in an article that appears in multiple parts.
In the first part of the third article, we have examined the Hindu Bengali support for Subhas Bose, who constituted the spearhead of the attack against the British in fight for freedom. We show that the Hindu Bengalis remained steadfast in their support to Bose in his quest for freedom. We show that his support came from the rank and file of the Bengal Congress, from the Hindu Bengali intellectuals and his finances from the Bengali Hindu businessmen.
In the second part of the third article, we have examined the organic connection between the Bengali population and Subhas Bose. Bose deeply loved Bengal and was in turn, loved by the Bengalis. He embodied certain virtues that the Bengalis prized and as such, he was loved by them. Similarly, he loved Bengal for what it was and missed it terribly when he lived outside Bengal. Bengali suffering was always in his mind, and he always strained to do everything to alleviate the distress in Bengal. Finally, we have examined the claims made about Bose by certain authors purporting to investigate his disappearance and see if they hold water.
In the fourth article on the Citizenship Amendment Act, we have examined the persecution of the Hindus in Bangladesh. We have examined the geographical applicability of the act. We compute the total number of illegal Muslims in Assam and Bengal and how many of them have been legalised in Assam by the NRC, and examine the demographic, political and strategic effects of the NRC without the CAA. We further dispel a few myths about the NRC and the illegal immigration from Bangladesh to Assam and Bengal by looking at the linguistic and political data. In political terms, we have examined the effects of the Citizenship Amendment Act in the Bengali seats of Jharkhand by examining the vote share of the BJP in the pre-CAA and post-CAA phases. Finally, we document how the NRC has affected the economy of Bengal and Assam.
In the fifth article, we examine the number of refugees that have sought refuge in India from 1971. Using the census of Bangladesh, we examine how many additional Hindus there should have been in Bangladesh and where in India they have sought shelter from the persecution. We show that the number of missing Hindus in Bangladesh [without the descendants] is between 30 and 45 lakhs. We further show that there are 49 lakhs additional Hindus in Bengal, and 7.9 lakhs in Assam, and that nearly 10 lakh are missing. These may have been killed or converted in Bangladesh. Similarly, we point out that there are 3-4 lakh Hindu and Sikh refugees from Pakistan, while the number of refugees from Afghanistan might be as high as seven lakhs. We point out that the huge number of refugees in India makes it infeasible to give citizenship to them on a case by case basis, and thus, there exists a need for a comprehensive law that gives citizenship to dharmic refugees in India.
This set of articles has been co-authored by Saswati Sarkar, Shanmukh and Dikgaj.
In the first of the articles on this subject, we examine the values of the different political parties and scrutinise them to see if their values really make them any different, especially where Hindus are concerned. With an introduction examining the values of the (then) CPI and the icons of the right wing, we continue with an examination of the values of Nirad Chaudhary whose work has been lauded by many of the intellectual leaders of the right wing.
In this article, we examine the writings of Irfan Habib on Bhagat Singh. We examine the role played by Gandhi in the execution of Bhagat Singh and his colleagues. We show that the eminent historian has omitted serious evidence in his analysis of the situation to produce a narrative that would be more favourable to Jawaharlal Nehru. We also show that he had omitted significant evidence from Manmathanatha Gupta that exposes Nehru’s antipathy towards the revolutionaries going to the extent of calling the Indian revolutionaries, `fascists.’
This set of articles has been co-authored by Saswati Sarkar, Shanmukh and Dikgaj.
In the first article, we set out the basic definitions of ethnic bias, examine what constitutes ethnic bias and what does not, and set out a roadmap to examine ethnic bias within the RSS.
In the second article on the topic, we examine the ethnic contempt flung against the Bengalis by various constitutional and high office appointees of the BJP government. In particular, we have examined the contempt flung at the Bengalis by the governor of Tripura, Tathagata Roy, and a censor board member, Vivek Agnihotri, and also document their responses to our objections in the article.
In the third article on the topic, we examine the ethnic contempt flung at the Bengalis by the public intellectuals of the BJP-RSS ecosystem. These include the various pro-BJP media platforms like Swarajya Magazine, its journalists and proprietors, BJP MPs, and the big names in the other media platforms like OpIndia. We also note how some of these public voices have received support from Union ministers.
In the fourth article of the series, we examine the colonial stereotyping of the Bengalis by a prominent Bengali media voice, who also happens to be the wife of a prominent BJP Rajya Sabha MP. We examine her slurs and her defence of her claims later on.
In the fifth article of the series, we examine the pejorative characterisation of Kerala by the intellectuals of the BJP-RSS ecosystem. We note the slurs published by the Organiser, Further, we examine the insensitivity over Kerala’s festivals and their culture displayed by the BJP and the bias against the Hindus of Kerala over their political choices.
In the sixth article of the series, we examine the attack of the BJP-RSS on the temple traditions of Kerala, and how its lectures are misplaced. We examine the various denigrations exhibited by the functionaries of the BJP-RSS, while turning a blind eye to worse ostentation by BJP liminaries.
In the seventh article of the series, we examine the intellectual collusion in India and the ethnic divisions. We examine both by location of the intellectuals and ethnicity. We show that the compromised and anti-Hindu intellectuals are not the province of any specific ethnicity and that no ethnicity is preponderantly represented in the list of compromised intellectuals.
In the eighth article on the topic, we examine the betrayal of the Hindus by the BJP-RSS and the intellectual collusion of the BJP-RSS intellectuals who give cover to the betrayal of the Hindus. We examine how this betrayal has preponderantly affected the Hindus of `lesser ethnicities’ in the BJP-RSS worldview.
In the first article on the series on Indic mercantile collusion with the invaders, we investigate the social composition of the Indic (Hindu, Jain, Sikh and Parsi) mercantile groups that colluded with the invaders, the social characteristics of the merchant groups that made them attractive to the Islamist invaders, their contempt for the indigenous lower castes of India, their transnational trading connections that allowed them to profit, the symbiosis between the invaders and the merchants and the commoditization of all values, including those social and religious.
In the second article on the series on Indic mercantile collusion with the invaders, we focus on the historical collusion between the merchants and the Islamists, starting from the initial invasion in Sindh in the areas that proved detrimental to Indian nationhood, namely: a) funding campaigns of invaders against Indic kingdoms b) enabling the functioning of the Islamist states by funding rulers/nobility and managing their finances c) Enabling slavery of Indics and financing slave trade of Indics d) intelligence gathering for invaders and undermining the morale of resistance against them e) Negotiating with others on behalf of invaders. We also narrate the collusion of the Islamists and the Indic merchants in the time of the Delhi sultanate, the Mughals, the post Mughals and the Islamists in the British era. We also examine how the merchants covered up their collusions in terrible Islamist atrocities with overt religiosity.
In the third article on the series on Indic mercantile collusion with the Islamist invaders, we document how the Islamist rulers cruelly oppressed the peasantry, and contrast it with the concessions they offered the merchants. We document the bonhomie that existed between the highest merchants and the Islamist rulers and the degree of comfort that existed between them, across multiple regimes. We note the various measures that the Islamist regimes took against the farmers and artisans and ignored even threats to their lives during famines, but scrupulously respected the property and profits of the Indic traders, and catered to their trade needs zealously. We note how the powerful merchants exploited the vulnerable peasants and traders, taking advantage of the helplessness of the latter classes. We also note how the peasants and artisans preferred to live under Indic rulers, while the merchants often preferred to live under the Islamist regimes. Finally, we note the disparity in wealth between the commoners and the merchants/nobles in Islamist regimes.
In the fourth article of the mercantile series, we examine Indic mercantile collusion in trade of Indic slaves both within and outside India. We examine the institution of slavery under the Islamist rule and describe how Islamist regimes acquired Indic slaves. We point out that a strong element of religious persecution attended the Islamist slavery systems. We point out the quantum of trans-national Indic slave trade and how Indic merchants collaborated and participated in the trade of Indic slaves to various regions across the world. We also show how Indic merchants bankrolled the slave economies of Islamist regimes outside India.
In the fifth article on mercantile collusion with the Islamist invaders, we note how the big merchants had their interests cared for and how they were exempt from persecution that attended other communities, especially those that resisted the invaders. We also note how the underprivileged classes were forcibly converted or incentivized to convert to the faith of the invaders. We note how many temples built by influential merchants were spared the destruction that befell other temples.
In the sixth article, we begin examining the collusion of the Indic merchants in the various regions of the country, beginning with Gujarat. We examine their values, their organisation and structure and how the Indic merchants expanded rapidly, thanks to collusion with the Gujarat Sultanate. We discover that the merchants indulged in loansharking and tax farming, fleecing the peasants. In contrast to the traders, we examine how the Gujarati society cherished the memory of the outlaws, who robbed the state treasury, the traders and burned their debt notes and account books, freeing the peasants from the clutches of the usurious moneylenders. We examine the overlap between the mercantilism and religion and how the merchants also controlled religion and how they influenced the selection of religious authorities and the performance of religious rites. We also examine how the creditworthiness of the merchants was linked to their religious hold over and status in their communities. Further, we examine their collusion over the various regimes including the Gujarat sultanate, the Mughals and the various East India Companies. Finally, we examine the huge influence and power wielded by the Gujarati merchants over the various rulers (both Gujarat Sultanate and Mughals) and how they were able to influence policies in their favour. We also rule out extortion of the various merchants by examining the roles played by the merchants and the Mughals, and the power equations.
In the seventh article in the series, we focus specifically on the Mughal era. We evaluate how the merchants from the north and west of the country spread to Bihar and Bengal in the train of the Rajput collaborators who destroyed local Hindu resistance to the tottering Karrani sultans. The destruction of the local Hindu resistance made it easy for European pirates to abduct Bengali commoners. The export of local slaves to Afghan and Central Asian markets also has been examined. We also examine the trade routes preferred by the merchants and the influence they exerted on the Rajputs who colluded with the Mughals, and point out that Rajput collusion with Mughals may have been the effect of the influence of the merchants on the Rajputs. We then observe the deep collaboration between the powerful merchants and the Mughals and how the traders performed the duties of treasurers and moneylenders for the Mughals. We then examine how the usury and tax farming by the rich merchants led to repeated famines, slavery, forced conversions and misery for the common people of Bengal. Many temples of Bengal were also destroyed by the invaders, and these invasions were financed by the rich merchants. On the other hand, the merchants enjoyed a general prosperity under the Mughals. Finally, we make a case study of the collusions of the Jagat Seths with the Mughals and how they prospered and influenced the Mughals and the later Bengal Nawabs, to the extent that they could change rulers at will.
In the eighth article of the series, we examine the collusion of the merchants of the current Uttar Pradesh, focussing specifically on Rohilkhand and Awadh. We highlight the extent to which the Hindu farmers of the region were reduced and how the Muslims had been settled in areas which were depopulated due to Hindu revolts and their subsequent slaughter or sale into slavery. The merchants performed the same money lending and tax farming roles for their Muslim rulers and benefited hugely, both socially and economically, from the collusion. We examine how the power equations between the rulers and the merchants, the organisation and structure of the merchants. We note the despoiling of the peasantry to pay off the extortionate rates of interest charged by the powerful bankers, and how the Muslim rulers rewarded the big merchants. We examine the misery of the peasants under the Nawabs of Awadh and the rulers of Rohilkhand and the famines they suffered, and contrast it with the lavish lifestyle of the merchants, and the favours they enjoyed at the hands of the Muslim rulers.
In this article, we have chronicled a list of atrocities perpetrated by Tipu Sultan on just the people of Karnataka. Drawing on British, French, Hindu and Muslim sources, we chronicle the Islamist zeal and barbarities of the sultan on the hapless people of old Mysore, Coorg, Canara and the northern districts. We have separated Karnataka from the other lands to show that Tipu, despite having his capital in this region, did not spare the people any of the horrors of Jihad.
In the second part of the article, we have chronicled the list of atrocities perpetrated by Tipu Sultan on the people outside Karnataka. Drawing on British, French, Hindu, and Muslim sources, we have chronicled what Tipu did in Malabar, Cochin, Travancore, and various parts of Tamizh Nadu. The article is divided into two parts. http://indiafacts.org/tipu-sultan-history-bigotry-barbarities-outside-karnataka/ http://indiafacts.org/tipu-sultan-history-bigotry-barbarities-outside-karnataka-ii/
In the first article of the series, we focus on the vulnerable areas of Western Uttar Pradesh and southern Uttarakhand. We show that a region with a population of nearly 35 million people is at the imminent risk of becoming Muslim majority. Many districts in the region are showing acute collapse of Hindus, faster than anywhere else for regions of comparable population size.
We predict the demographic fate of the region fifty years hence and show, using various commonly used statistical prediction tools that, the region is showing acute collapse of Hindu population due to various factors. http://www.dailyo.in/politics/population-muslims-muzaffarnagar-uttarakhand-shamli-western-uttar-pradesh-hindus-sikh-demography/story/1/10631.html
In the second article of the series, we show that West Bengal has a serious demographic problem on its hands, due to very low Hindu fertility and higher Muslim fertility, compounded by illegal Muslim immigration from Bangladesh. While the state as a whole is unlikely to become Hindu minority, it has a large area (home to population of 18 million) that is going to become Hindu minority or close to it in the next 50 years. Further, we show that the border districts are showing increasing population change, unfavourable to Hindus, and this can constitute a serious problem. https://www.myind.net/demographic-warning-west-bengal
In the third article of the series, we examine the religious demographics of Assam. We show that owing to a combination of low HIndu fertility, higher Muslim fertility and illegal immigration from Bangladesh, the state is set to become Hindu minority in 40 years at maximum. We show that five the 8 regions (and the most heavily populated 5) will be Musliim majority in 2061. We show that unless urgent steps are taken to expel the illegal immigrants, the state is doomed as Hindus are beginning to flee from Muslim majority areas. http://indiafacts.org/will-assam-muslim-majority-next-40-years/
In the fourth article of the series, we take a look at the religious demographics of Kerala and southern Tamizh Nadu. We show that owing to very low Hindu fertility that is below replacement levels Hindu population has already or will soon begin to shrink, while the Muslim population is rising rapidly due to high fertility rates. Further, we show that, while the Christian population has fertility rates comparable to Hindus, the proselytisation being carried out by the Christians is can make a difference by poaching on Hindu numbers. This, Hindu numbers are set to decline everywhere, both in percentage terms and in absolute numbers, while the Christian population will rise in some places & fall in others, while the Muslim population is set to rise everywhere. http://indiafacts.org/kerala-south-tamil-nadu-case-hindu-fade/
In the fifth article of the series, we examine the demographics of Jammu & Kashmir. In this article we examine the demographics of the different parts of Jammu & Kashmir. We show both `Hindu Jammu’ and `Buddhist Ladakh’ are shrinking, while `Muslim Kashmir’ is expanding at the cost of both. We show that the unique Ladakhi Tibetan civilisation, with its shrinking numbers, is beginning to actually collapse in numbers and that it may well vanish in the next few years, due to Muslim pressure & declining numbers. We further show that the Hindus of Hill Jammu are beginning to fall in percentage terms and run the risk of being pushed south of the Chenab, as was proposed by both British & Pakistanis, which have been proposing this solution. https://www.myind.net/demographic-expansion-kashmir-and-shrinking-jammu-and-ladakh#.V3UOVSF0xwc.twitter
In the sixth article (published in 3 parts), we examine the demographics of selected regions in the Hindi belt. We show that, using these demographic hotspots and other Muslim heavy regions, it is possible to connect the two Muslim homelands – Bangladesh and Pakistan – via a Mughalistan corridor, running across the Indian Union and Nepal to provide a safe corridor for transit of terrorists, goods & other items of interest. We show that Delhi has been encircles and there are other strategic barrages that can cut off parts of the Indian homeland in an emergency. We also show provide the tragic backgrounds of the Meos & the Koch-Rajbongshi Muslims & how they were lost by the Hindus. Finally, provide statistical details to back up our assertions. p1. https://www.pgurus.com/hotspots-hindi-belt-part-1-northern-arc/ p2. https://www.pgurus.com/hindu-population-shrinking-part-2-hotspots-series/ p3. https://www.pgurus.com/computed-hindu-muslim-christian-growth-part-3-hotspots-series/
In the seventh article of the series, we have examined the demographics of Pakistan occupied Jammu & Kashmir before and after 1947. We show that the name `Pakistan occupied Kashmir’ is misleading as it is mostly Jammu and Gilgit-Baltistan that have been overrun by the Pakistanis. We show that the thriving minority of Pakistan occupied Jammu & Kashmir has been completely exterminated by the Jihadis since 1947 and estimate the number of Hindus & Sikhs who were chased out of the region. Some of their horror has been recounted, as they fled for their lives from Pakistan occupied Jammu and kashmir. http://www.dailyo.in/politics/jammu-and-kashmir-pakistan-gilgit-baltistan-hindus-sikhs-1947-partition-karan-singh-poonch-muzaffarabad/story/1/12632.html
In the eighth article of the series, we have examined the demographics of tribal areas of central India – Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh & Odisha, in particular. We show the rapid Christianisation of the region since 1991, when Liberalisation began, and take a look at the change in Indic numbers. We also analyse the reasons for the rapid conversions in the region along with the history of conversions since 1800. We have examined the dynamics between the Maoists, other Left Wing groups and the missionaries. Finally, we show that the conversions have peaked whenever the missionaries have captured popular causes and show the disparity in conversions between Jharkhand and West Bengal, where there are almost no conversions at all. In the first part, we have examined the numbers, and in the second part, the reasons for and history of the conversions.p1. http://indiafacts.org/rapid-christianization-tribal-regions-central-india-story-numbers/ p2. http://indiafacts.org/tribal-regions-central-india-rapidly-christianized/
In the ninth article of the series, we present a tehsil (sub-district) level overview of the entire country, to examine the fall of the Indics in the various parts of the country. We present the fall of the Indics since 1872 and examine the consequences of the fall of the Indics between 1872 and 1941. We present full details of where the Indics have been wiped out, by having their population fall to less than 20%, where they constitute a minority (20-50%), and where they are on the borderline (50-60%) and examine what the corresponding populations were in 1951. We examine the consequences of the fall of the Indics and what it portends for the future. https://www.myind.net/Home/viewArticle/endangered-indics-in-india-an-overview
In the tenth article of the series, we present a district level age based disparity between the Indics & the non Indics & examine how the Indics are rapidly falling at lower ages in some of the regions. We present details on the districts & discuss some of the ramifications of the phenomenon. http://indiafacts.org/religions-demographics-of-india-age-based/
PDF version attached here.